The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict

Relvastatud gruppide tegevus väljaspool ametlikke väeosi. Metsavendlus, sissisõda, mittekonventsionaalne sõda, gerilja, banditism ja mis iganes nimed sellele nähtusele antud on.
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The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict

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Alati ei pea oma eesmärke saavutama vägivallaga. Oma uurimusega tõestavad järgmised autorid ära, et mittevägivaldsete meetoditega on edušansid suuremad. Eesti-sugusel väikeriigil peaks selline jõu tootmise vahend raudselt arsenalis olema.

The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict

Abstract
The current literature on resistance and popular insurgency takes for granted several important assumptions. One is that armed struggle is the most forceful and effective way for non-state actors to prosecute conflict against militarily superior opponents. Another assumption is that nonviolent civil resistance, a form of asymmetric warfare whose "weapons" includes boycotts, strikes, protests, civil disobedience and mass non-cooperation, is inherently weaker than armed struggle—even when used against similar opponents and to achieve the same objectives. However, in this project we argue that emphasizing armed struggle as tactically advantaged is misguided. On the contrary, preliminary findings suggest exactly the opposite—that nonviolent campaigns are actually more effective in achieving ultimate political goals. Why is this the case? And are there certain structural or institutional conditions that privilege one campaign over the other? Compiling an original dataset on the strategic effectiveness of violent and nonviolent asymmetric warfare types, we systematically compare the relative effectiveness of these types of struggle across time, space, and circumstance. Our statistical findings reveal that major nonviolent campaigns have achieved success 55% of the time, compared to 28.4% for violent resistance campaigns. To explain the causal mechanisms driving this outcome, we compare our statistical findings with historical cases featuring periods of both violent and nonviolent resistance. The cases suggest the following: nonviolent campaigns are more likely to win legitimacy, attract widespread domestic and international support, neutralize the opponent's security forces, and compel loyalty shifts amongst erstwhile opponent supporters than armed campaigns, which enjoin the active support of a relatively small number of people, offer the opponent a justification for violent counter-attacks, and are less likely to prompt loyalty shifts and defections. We conclude with a discussion of policy implications for external actors—governmental and nongovernmental—in positions to assist local nonviolent campaigns.

http://humansecuritygateway.com/documen ... nflict.pdf

2011. aastal ilmus ka põhjalik raamat, kus on Eesti Laulev revolutsioon ilusasti sees.

http://cup.columbia.edu/book/978-0-231- ... ance-works

Aegu tagasi sai siin foorumis juba järgmisele saidile viidatud, kuid teen seda uuesti. Eestikeelsed raamatud, palun :)

http://www.aeinstein.org/organizations03a8.html
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Re: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict

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Väike ülevaade raamatust.

http://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/inde ... ance-works

Muu hulgas ka selline lõik.
But challenges remain. Stephan, lead foreign affairs officer for the State Department’s Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations, recently returned from a year in Turkey, where she worked with activists from neighboring Syria on “how to survive, mobilize and communicate” as their country is wracked by a civil war.
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Re: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict

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Internet on üks mittevägivaldse vastupanu tööriistadest. Seetõttu peaks sobima järgnev uuring siia teemasse.
Internet Freedom and Political Space

The Internet has become a new battleground between governments that censor online content and those who advocate freedom to browse, post, and share information online for all, regardless of their place of residence. This report examines whether and how furthering Internet freedom can empower civil society vis-à-vis public officials, make the government more accountable to its citizens, and integrate citizens into the policymaking process. Using case studies of events in 2011 in Egypt, Syria, China, and Russia, researchers focus on the impact of Internet freedom on freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, and the right to cast a meaningful vote, all of which are the key pillars of political space. Researchers analyze the mechanisms by which Internet freedom can enhance the opportunities to enjoy these freedoms, how different political contexts can alter the opportunities for online mobilization, and how, subsequently, online activism can grow out into offline mobilization leading to visible policy changes. To provide historical context, researchers also draw parallels between the effects of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty programs in the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the ongoing efforts to expand Internet freedom for all. The report concludes by discussing implications for the design of Internet freedom programs and other measures to protect "freedom to connect."
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pu ... _RR295.pdf
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“Keep a sound mind, don’t panic and don’t lose clear thinking,” the manual counsels. “Gunshots just outside your window are not the end of the world.”

The manual, which the defence ministry will send to libraries next week and also distribute at army events, says Lithuanians should resist foreign occupation with demonstrations and strikes, “or at least doing your job worse than usual”.

In the event of invasion, the manual says Lithuanians should organise themselves through Twitter and Facebook and attempt cyber-attacks against the enemy.
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/j ... ion-manual

Leedu keeles raamat ise siin

http://www.kam.lt/download/46074/leidin ... zinoti.pdf

Margus Kuuli magistritöö

http://militaar.net/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?f=51&t=33420
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Re: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict

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Mittevägivaldse vastupanuga Vene hübriidsõjapidamise vastu.

http://advanced.jhu.edu/wp-content/uplo ... kowski.pdf
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