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Germany has quietly stopped enforcing European Union rules under which Syrians fleeing the civil war face deportation, it has emerged, as thousands of migrants continued to pour through the Balkans towards Western Europe on Monday.

The move came as Chancellor Angela Merkel and her counterpart Francois Hollande called for an overhaul of the EU’s asylum system, following emergency talks on the migrant crisis in Berlin.

An official source confirmed reports Germany has suspended deporting asylum-seekers from Syria under the EU’s controversial Dublin Regulation.

Under the rule, migrants can only apply for asylum in the first EU member state they enter, and face deportation if they try to apply in another.

But Germany, which has long complained that the Dublin system is failing, has now ordered its officers to process applications from Syrians even if they have made their way through other EU countries.

“Germany and France expect all member states implement fully the right of asylum,” Mrs Merkel, the German chancellor, said after meeting with the French president.

“We must implement a unified asylum system,” Mr Hollande said.

Saksamaal langevad kristlastest põgenikud majutuskohtades üha sagedamini fanaatiliste moslemite ohvriks, neid ähvardatakse lausa tappa. Ajaleht Die Welt uuris olukorda lähemalt ja rääkis Saksamaa põgenike majutuskohtades mitmete kristlastest põgenikega. Iraanist pärit kristlasest põgenik Said põgenes Iraani salateenistuse eest Saksamaale, kuna uskus, et Saksamaal ei lange ta oma usu pärast enam tagakiusamise ohvriks. On paradoksaalne, et Saksamaale põgenemine ei aidanud tal pääseda tagakiusamise käest.

Said elab ühes põgenike majutuspaigas Brandenburgi liidumaal. Seal elavad peamiselt Süüria põgenikud, kes on enamasti sunniitlikud moslemid. „Ramadani ajal äratavad nad mind enne koitu ning sunnivad mind sööma. Kui ma keeldun, sõimavad nad mind uskmatuks ja sülitavad mu peale,“ räägib Said. „Nad kohtlevad mind nagu looma ja on ähvardanud mind tappa.“ Said on palunud abi majutuspaiga turvateenistuselt, kuid turvamehi ei huvita Saidi probleemid. Suur osa neist on paraku samuti moslemid.

Saksamaa evangeelse-luterliku kiriku Berliini kolmainu koguduse preester Gottfried Martens on kirjutanud lugematuid kirju majutuskohtade juhatajatele, palvega hoida kristlased ja moslemid üksteisest lahus. Vahel on püütud aidata, kuid sageli ei saa ta oma kirjadele mingit vastust. Martensi kogudusse kuulub üle 600 afgaani ja iraanlase ja Martensi sõnul on pea kõigil neil oma majutuskohtades suuri probleeme. „Tõsiusklikud moslemid lähtuvad sellest, et seal kus on nemad valitseb automaatselt ka šariaat ja nende seadused,“ selgitab Martens. Kristlastel ei lubata ühisköökides oma toite valmistada. Kes viis korda päevas Meka suunas ei palveta, saab peksa. Eriti karmilt käitutakse islamist ristiusku üleläinud kristlastega. Need inimesed kardavad oma elu pärast ja pelgavad, et peavad kristlastena ka Saksamaal põranda all elama.

Saidi lugu on vaid üks paljudest. Hemeri linnas ründasid alžeerlastest asüülitaotlejad üht eritrealast ja tema lapseootel naist. Mõlemad kandsid kaelas risti.

Üks noor süürlane Giessenist on rääkinud avalikult, kuidas teda on majutuspaigas ähvardatud. Tema sõnul on põgenike hulgas ka Islamiriigi terroriste. „Nad karjuvad värsse koraanist: Neid, mida kasutavad ISISe terroristid enne oma ohvritel pea maha löömist. Ma ei saa siia jääda. Ma olen kristlane,“ räägib ta.

Eriti traagiline on ühe kristliku perekonna lugu, kes peatus ühes Bayernis asuvas majutuspaigas. Perepea rääkis telekaamerate ees, kuidas Süüria islamiusulised on neid löödud ja ähvardanud. „Nad karjusid mu naise peale ja lõid mu last. Nad ähvardasid, et tapavad mu ära ja joovad mu verd,“ rääkis mees. Perekond elas oma toas nagu vangis, kuni see muutus väljakannatamatuks ja nad pöördusid tagasi Mossulisse, Iraaki. Paraku ei ole kristlastel Mossulis enam võimalik elada. Perekond pidi kolmandat korda põgenema, seekord Erbilisse, Põhja-Iraagis. Perekonna advokaadi sõnul läheb neil väga halvasti, kuid kahjuks ei saa ta neid enam aidata, sest kui asüülitaotleja on asüülitaotluse menetlemise käigus riigist lahkunud, ei ole tal enam õigust teist korda selles riigis asüüli paluda.

Simon Jacob, Saksamaal tegutseva orientaalse kiriku kesknõukogu liige, ei imesta selliste lugude üle. Tema sõnul tuleb arvestada uute konfliktidega ja üha enam kristlasi on sunnitud oma kodudest põgenema. „Konfliktid kristlaste ja moslemite vahel, šiiitide ja sunniitide vahel, kurdide ja ekstremistide vahel, konfliktid jesuiitide ja ekstremistide vahel,” ütleb Jacob. Ka Jacob on seda meelt, et erineva religiooniga põgenikud tuleb lahus hoida. Kahjuks on see vaid hetkeline lahendus.

„Loomulikult toovad põgenikud oma konfliktid Euroopasse kaasa, näiteks šiiitide ja sunniitide või kristlaste ja moslemite vahelised konfliktid,“ selgitab migratsiooniuurija ja ajaloolane Klaus J. Blade. Ta leiab, et immigrantide integreerimisel on vajalik tulla välja tulevikku suunatud lahenduste ja ühiskonnapoliitiliste visioonidega. „Meie eeskuju peab olema jõulisem ning selline, millega suudaksid ja oleksid sunnitud end identifitseerima nii sakslased kui ka põgenikud. See on hind, mida tuleb maksta igal sisserändajal.“

Ka Saksa politseil on põgenikekriisi tõttu tohutu suur lisakoormus. Saksa politseiameti asejuhi Jörg Radeki sõnul peavad nad sisserändajaid registreerima, lahendama majutuspaikades tekkivad tülisid, kaitsma asüülitaotlejaid võimaliku vägivalla eest väljapoolt. Kui näiteks mõnes majutuskohas kakluseks läheb, ei piisa sageli ühest-kahest politsei ekipaažist, kohale tuleb saata vahel kuni 21 ekipaaži.

Nine months after Fadi, a refugee from Homs, Syria, landed in Cyprus on a boat carrying some 340 smuggled refugees, he still had not applied for asylum. He chose instead to attempt to reach mainland Europe by any means possible.

Fadi’s reluctance to plant roots in Cyprus, the European Union country closest to Syria, stems from Cyprus’ policy preventing most of those granted asylum from bringing their family members to join them.

For Fadi, who made the journey to Cyprus without his wife and 3-year-old son, the “right to family reunification” was important enough that he continued via “illegal ways,” he said, to Sweden, where he was granted refugee status in August.

Of the more than 487,000 refugees and migrants who have reached Europe by sea so far this year, just over half are Syrian. But fewer than 3,000 have come to Cyprus, an island nation of just 1 million people located 60 miles west of Syria.

The situation is worlds apart from that of the nearby Greek islands, which have seen 357,000 arrivals since January alone. And unlike Malta, located in the Mediterranean Sea between Italy and Libya, Cyprus is too far from the rest of Europe to be used as a transit country.

But according to a dozen refugees and migrants interviewed this summer, Cyprus’ asylum policies are the main reason they shun that country in favor of southern Europe. In Cyprus last year, only 3 percent of asylum-seekers were granted refugee status, which allows them to live and work legally. Fifty-six percent were granted subsidiary protection, a kind of second-tier international protection with fewer rights than refugee status. (The rest were rejected outright. But almost none of the rejections were Syrians; typically they get subsidiary protection.)

Most European countries make little distinction between the two. But in 2014, Cyprus amended its laws so that those who are granted subsidiary protection are not able to bring family members to Cyprus from their home countries or other nations to which they’d escaped — known as the right to family reunification — or to travel freely outside Cyprus. Subsidiary protection also comes with very limited work opportunities — which means those who get it can’t support themselves — and does not protect people from expulsion.

The distinction is just one example of discrepancies in how various European Union countries are treating the world’s biggest influx of migrants since the end of World War Two. The European Council on Refugees and Exiles, a pan-European network of NGOs, has warned that vastly different standards and quality of national asylum systems amounts to a “protection lottery” for those who reach Europe.

Reunification rights are particularly important for families like Fadi’s, which send fathers, husbands and underage children to Europe alone. If granted asylum, they become a kind of anchor drawing the rest of the family to safety.

“When you’re a refugee and you lost everything, your family is your support network to rebuild from scratch,” said Emilia Strovolidou, a spokeswoman for the UNHCR in Cyprus.

Local lawyers and human rights advocates have accused the Cypriot government of changing the rules to deter migrants. “They want to give refugees the message: Don’t come to Cyprus because if you do, you won’t get refugee status,” said Doros Polykarpou, executive director of KISA, a Cypriot nonprofit. “And it works.”

Migrants also shun Cyprus because it is not yet part of the Schengen Area, the EU’s passport-free zone. Visitors to the country need a visa to get to the rest of Europe. But because most refugees do not have valid passports, they can’t get visas.

Many never register with authorities so that they can more easily apply for asylum elsewhere in Europe. This means they can’t live in Cypriot refugee camps — instead, they live on the streets or in unofficial, temporary shelters.

In an emailed statement, the Cypriot Asylum Service defended its policies, saying that “every case is examined on its own merits” and that it adhered to all of the EU directives concerning refugees.

On September 22, Cyprus voted in favor of an EU plan to relocate 120,000 refugees across Europe. But discussions leading up to the Brussels meeting highlighted a xenophobic sentiment seen in other Eastern European nations such as Hungary: Cypriot Interior Minister Socratis Hasikos said the country could take up to 300, but “we would seek for them to be Orthodox Christians.”

Meanwhile, the refugees’ widespread plots to leave Cyprus, as well as their choice to forego government-offered services, have drawn the ire of Cypriot authorities. One government official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, likened it to “window shopping.”

“If you are running from persecution, should you get to choose?” the official said. “If someone is running behind you trying to kill you, do you say, ‘I don’t want Cyprus. I want Germany’?”

But with politicians expecting up to one million asylum-seekers this year and reports of overcrowded refugee shelters elsewhere, several residents expressed fear instead of empathy.

"How is this supposed to continue?" asked Herbert Gross, 70. "We are taking in more and more and more people. Many of them get better housing than a poor worker in Germany," he added, to applause.

"There have […] been signs that the initial elation is fading," Der Spiegel weekly wrote in a lead article this week. "Germany is struggling to maintain its composure and to ward off panic."

A potential backlash could be further fueled by latest cost estimates for the crisis.

The Munich-based IFO economic research institute said that an initial cost estimate of $11.1 billion for the crisis is "conservative" and could be higher because it does not take into consideration additional family members who might come later and the pressure on the education system.

One of the basics underpinning migration theories is that cultures also migrate, including traditions, identities, ideologies, collective memories and so on. While people maintain a collective identity in the utopian hope that they will somehow be able to protect and nurture it completely, they are likely to be disappointed. The public goodwill which has stung governments into action following the images of Aylan Kurdi’s body on the beach in Turkey is likely to wither away in due course. If and when xenophobic arguments about refugees putting a strain on the welfare state and “taking jobs” from locals begin to take hold in the popular conscience, the current goodwill may dissipate. At that stage, there would be no need to explain it away by talk of far-right parties coming to power in Europe; the talk will be about the “Middle Easternisation” of Europe. That will be a catastrophic scenario.

Varjupaigataotlejate majutuskeskuse teenustele ette nähtud summa kasvab tuleval aastal tänavusega võrreldes 203 278 euro võrra, vahendas BNS.

Käesoleva aasta eelarves Varjupaigataotlejate majutuskeskuse teenustele ette nähtud 167 309 eurot, tuleval aastal aga 370 587 eurot, selgus esmaspäeval valitsuse heakskiidu saanud riigieelarve eelnõust.

Aastaks 2016. planeeritav kulude maht suureneb seoses varjupaika taotlevate pagulaste arvu kasvuga.

Halduslepingu alusel osutab vastuvõtukeskuseteenust AS Hoolekandeteenused. Eelarve sisaldab valmisolekutasu ja kulutusi tarbeesemetele, riietele, tervishoiuteenustele, ravimitele, tõlke- ja transporditeenustele.

Alatest saabuvast talvest Eestisse jõudvad põgenikud näevad mõistagi riigile ette lisakulutusi, mis riigieelarve seletuskirja kohaselt küündivad kuni nelja miljoni euroni.

Riigieelarve seletuskirjas on pagulastega seotud kuludeks määratud valitsuse reservist 3 920 212 eurot. See neelab reservist suurima summa. Lisaks on valitsuse suuremate kuludena seletuskirjas märgitud kinnisvarainvesteeringud kogusummas 2 182 003 eurot ja PRIA Maaelu Arendamise Toetuste Süsteemi arendused 1 574 181 euro ulatuses.

Reservist antakse toetusi ettenägematuteks kuludeks. Eelnimetatud kulud on sihtotstarbelised ning nende üle peab arvestust rahandusministeerium. Reservist vahendite eraldamine ja selle kasutamine toimub valitsuse poolt kehtestatud korras.

Möödunud nädalal leppisid Euroopa Liidu riikide ministrid kokku 120 000 rahvusvahelist kaitset vajava inimese ümberpaigutamises liikmesriikide vahel. Varem oli kokku lepitud 40 000 põgeniku ümberpaigutamises. Eesti on lubanud vastu võtta umbes 550 põgenikku.

Eile öösel Brüsselist naasnud sotsiaalkaitseminister Margus Tsahkna ütles, et meeletu põgenikevool on alles Euroopasse valgumas ­- räägitud on 10-12 miljionist.

Olukord Brüsselis on närviline ja pingeline, kuigi­ tõeline pagulaskriis ei ole veel kätte jõudnudki, tõdes nii Angela Merkeli kui Jean-Claude Junckeriga vestelnud Tsahkna. Ta lisas, et me oleme alles kriisi alguses.

Dimitris Avramopoulos, EU official in charge of migration, says political backlash over migration 'means nothing' as he is not elected

There has been plenty the media have had to retract, or at the very least, redact, about this story. Whatever else Alan Kurdi might be a victim of, he is not a victim of either the war in Syria or Western heartlessness. His family had fled ISIS in Syria, yes, but they were already living in safety in Turkey. Nor, as it turns out, had they been turned away by the Canadian Ministry of Immigration, for, contrary to the initial claims of the father and aunt of the boy, the only application that had been filed had been for the boy's uncle, Mohammed. Yet even if such an application had been filed and rejected, it could scarcely have contributed to the death of the boy, whose destination on this ill-fated boat trip was not Canada, but the Greek island of Kos. Indeed, from the testimony of the other survivors, it is apparent that the responsibility for the boy's death falls squarely on his father, Abdullah, who has been using the soapbox the world media gave him to point fingers at everyone but himself. According to these other survivors he is a people smuggler and was driving the boat himself when it capsized.